SEBASTIAN GARCIA: The destruction and dispossession of Creek lands by Andrew Jackson at the end of the summer of 1814 cleared the way for a US invasion of Spanish Florida, bringing Jackson and other white southern enslavers one step closer to realizing their insatiable desire to expand the United States' southernmost border.

GARCIA: Yet, at this time, the US still waged a larger war against the British. As the War of 1812 expanded into the south, the British established a fort along the Apalachicola River, near present-day Tallahassee, as a base of operations for their planned invasion of the United States through Spanish Florida. Even worse for Jackson and other white southerners, the British presence in Spanish Florida encouraged Creek Indians and other Indigenous people to flee down to the peninsula and continue their fight against the Americans.

GARCIA: The British also welcomed enslaved Black people from the southern US to join their forces, offering a tangible opportunity for enslaved people to escape their bondage from American enslavers. Jackson's dream of controlling Spanish Florida quickly turned into his and other white southerners' deepest fear: a multiracial and multiethnic world now mobilized, galvanized, and armed by the British to destroy the southern United States and its rigidly hierarchical, racialized society.

GARCIA: The man responsible for recruiting and mobilizing this unique force for the British was Lieutenant Colonel Edward Nicolls of the British Royal Marines. Given his unwavering and genuine commitment to help Native Americans retain their lands and emancipate enslaved Black people from bondage, Nicolls added insult to injury for people like Jackson. A letter from July 1814 gives us a glimpse into Nicolls' exceptional views on race, equality, and subjecthood for a British officer at the turn of the nineteenth century.

EDWARD NICOLLS: When slaves volunteered their services, we of course were obliged to accept. I think if I had a corps, or detachments of several Black Regiments, it would have a very good effect. Blacks I think would the more readily join us if they saw men of their own color in a state of discipline.[1]

JOHN LANCASTER: The mobilization of a British-Black-Indian alliance in Spanish Florida gave Jackson further cause to invade the foreign territory he so desperately coveted. As someone who came of age in the immediate post-Revolutionary period and also owned slaves, Jackson embodied the paradoxes of his time when thinking about the British, Native, and Black populations he encountered. He often used the language of slavery to speak of the legacy of British monarchical rule over the American colonies, casting British subjects like Nicolls not as free men, but as slaves to the crown.

ANDREW JACKSON: The tyrants of England will be taught soon to know that he may conquer slaves in Europe, but in America, they are determined to live free or die and will expel tyranny from the continent.[2]

LANCASTER: Jackson's promise to "expel tyranny from the continent" meant that a clash between him and Nicolls in Spanish Florida was inevitable. The outcome between these two diametrical forces proved consequential for the immediate futures of the Indigenous and free Black people who had found refuge in Spanish Florida for centuries.

GARCIA: I am Sebastian Garcia.

LANCASTER: I am John Lancaster

GARCIA: And this is The Memory of Negro Fort Podcast.

LANCASTER: Episode Two: "A Tale of Two Officers."

GARCIA: The period between the spring of 1814 and the summer of 1815 marked a critical inflection point in the story of Negro Fort. During this time, the British and their allied Black and Indigenous recruits built the fort atop a high bluff along the Apalachicola River. This provided the Indigenous and free Black people a physical defense and sanctuary against the encroaching Americans that they had not held before. This newfound freedom and power began to terrify white southerners along the Spanish Florida border and motivated Jackson's mission to eliminate this important escape valve for runaway enslaved people and Native Americans.

LANCASTER: But how exactly did this all unfold? How did the British successfully recruit escaped Blacks and Native Americans to their fighting forces? How did this triple alliance work together to build a fort along the Apalachicola River during the spring of 1814? Why did Spanish Florida prove to be an effective place for the British to execute this war strategy? How did Edward Nicolls mobilize his multiracial troops into a formidable fighting force? How did serving for the British impact the identities of the free Black and Native people present there? And how did Andrew Jackson and the Americans respond to this?

GARCIA: To answer these questions, we must first travel back to the spring of 1814 and spend some time with British military leaders like Nicolls and Vice Admiral Alexander Cochrane to understand how this fort and the fighting force behind it emerged; we will get a glimpse of Nicolls' strategy regarding mobilizing his multiracial force against the Americans; we will then march west to Pensacola, where the Americans launch an invasion in December 1814 to thwart Britain's occupation of the Gulf South; the Americans' successful attack of Pensacola forces the British, and us, to retreat to the fort at Prospect Bluff, where we stay until the remainder of the episode, as the official end of the War of 1812 in February 1815 prompts the British to leave behind their Black and Indigenous allies; yet in their withdrawal, the British let their comrades stay with the fortification intact and, more alarmingly to the Americans, with a stockpile of weapons and ammunition, setting the stage for an eventual battle against this citadel and what it represents in the minds of some Americans.

GARCIA: Once the British officially declared war on the United States, redcoats like Nicolls returned to a war strategy they implemented a few decades earlier during the Revolutionary War: recruit and ally themselves with Native Americans and runaway enslaved people to defeat their common enemy: the United States.

MATTHEW CLAVIN: The British, as they fight with the Americans, they repeatedly show a willingness to ally themselves with Native peoples. Matthew Clavin. I am a professor of history at the University of Houston in Houston, Texas. They certainly demonstrate a willingness to ally themselves with fugitive slaves or dis-enslaved people in general. And so compared to the Americans, the British seem to be the true freedom fighters in North America in the early nineteenth century. And it's not to say that the British were or was an empire of egalitarianism, but there's enough of it from the American Revolution through the War of 1812 and even after, that for Native people, it's their last chance. They'll consider aligning themselves with anybody who can keep them on their land. And they [the British] are literally offering freedom to Black Americans who will escape from their owner and join military service for the British. And this guarantees their family not only freedom, but land. And so obviously, if you are looking for freedom in the late eighteenth century, early nineteenth century, your only real bet is to join with the British.

LANCASTER: The growing multiethnic haven of Spanish Florida seemed like an ideal place for the British to execute this war plan,

GARCIA: and by the spring of 1814, the redcoats constructed a fort along the Apalachicola River, near present-day Tallahassee,

LANCASTER: as a base of operations for a planned invasion of the United States through the American southeast.

F. EVAN NOOE: With the War of 1812 being against the United States and the British, the British are going to at times actively collaborate with Indigenous peoples and with formerly enslaved African Americans who have found freedom in Spanish Florida. I'm Evan Nooe. I'm Assistant Professor of History at the University of South Carolina, Lancaster. And I am also the historian for our campus's Native American Studies Center. We will see that, as the war continues on and moves from this border conflict between the United States and Canada, looking to a British invasion of the Gulf South. In preparation of that, we're going to see basically British station troops and actually begin trying to arm, supply, and train both Indigenous peoples and formerly enslaved Black southerners. So, this is where we see the beginning of this fortification at Prospect Bluff along the Apalachicola River. This is effectively a staging ground for potentially an invasion into southern Georgia.

CLAVIN: Ultimately what's happening, spring of 1814, the British are sort of telegraphing what they're going to do. At some point they're going to try to invade the United States through the Gulf of Mexico. Bottom line is they need a military base to be established before all this can happen. And fifteen miles up the Apalachicola River on the, if you sail northward on the right side, there's a bluff about fifteen, twenty feet over the water, depending on the level of the water. And originally it was a trading post there. And so the British find this little trading post, there's a handful of slaves, there's some hides that are there, probably some guns being sold, maybe some food and supplies, and they just take it over in the spring of 1814. And although technically controlled by Spain, Florida was extremely insecure, and so quite frankly, the Spanish were powerless to stop them. And so the British start to recruit Native Americans. They start to entice slaves to escape from their Spanish and increasingly their American owners across the Florida-Georgia border. And they start to clear a massive space on the edge of the river. And then they're going to start to build this huge sort of wooden bastion around it. And so, the whole site will be about five, six, seven acres. And then they start to put cannons, and they start to put this redan hanging over the edge of the river for boats to dock at. And the longer they're there, as the days, weeks, and months pass, the number of Black and Indian people who arrive at the fort grows from the dozens to the hundreds to eventually the thousands-low-level thousands. And they are literally on a daily basis, chopping down trees, building some stone storage facilities, putting up these wooden barriers around it. They're digging a moat around the entire site, this complex. And so, it's just nonstop activity. And the British were overseeing this all. But most of the labor is being done by escaped slaves, Native Americans, and a handful of Royal Marines from England.

GARCIA: As a Lieutenant Colonel in the British Royal Marines, Nicolls oversaw the creation of the British fort at Prospect Bluff.

NATHANIEL MILLETT: Edward Nicolls is a deeply fascinating character who is essential to events at Prospect Bluff. My name is Nathaniel Millett. I'm an Associate Professor of History at St. Louis University. I'm also the editor of a journal called Atlantic Studies. He was a British Royal Marine who was from Coleraine originally, which is today in Northern Ireland. He comes from a deeply Calvinist family upbringing. He sees action all over the Atlantic world and in the Napoleonic wars. He is a man of action and deep feelings. And he develops kind of unusual ideology of anti-slavery, given his station and his vocation and his role within the British Empire. And Nicolls, by the time he arrives at Prospect Bluff, is acutely anti-slavery and deeply opposed to slavery. He regards it as a kind of abhorrent moral evil. He thinks in very stark religious terms, acutely Protestant Calvinistic terms. He believes that slavery can legitimately be fought through violence, even though he is of course fighting for a slave-holding empire himself in Great Britain, which doesn't end slavery until 1834. And I think part of what drives Nicolls is his own ethnic identity. I mean, he is a Northern Irishman in an English empire, maybe a little insecure about his ethnic identity. And he regards military service as the ultimate equalizer perhaps for himself, and then in the case of Prospect Bluff, for people of African ancestry. He is given this role of raising Native American, Seminole Red Stick troops, and American slaves in the Southeast in the broader plan of the British invasions of the Deep South. He interprets his orders very, very broadly, and ends up being at the heart of the creation of this community.

CLAVIN: He is a career professional soldier. He's from Ireland. He spends his entire career in the British Marines. And he will eventually go on to do a lot of things that are very anti-slavery, abolitionist even. But when he comes to Florida, he is a genuine anti-slavery radical. And he just has these radical ideas for the time of racial equality. And the story of Negro Fort gets complicated because the British will use Native Americans and African Americans to their advantage. And in some cases, it's not necessarily a bona fide or genuine egalitarianism. Sometimes they might use abolition just to slight the Americans or to gain a strategic advantage. But when you have men like Edward Nicolls on the front lines, it's going to change the way things play out. So he's basically in charge of the ground forces at Negro Fort or at the British Post, initially called. And when he invites Native Americans to join the British fight, when he invites enslaved Americans or enslaved Spaniards in Florida to join the British fight, he genuinely has their best interests in heart. And so, he's just one of these radical egalitarians, and he comes to America to primarily fight for the British. But while he's doing that, he wants to spread ideas of British freedom. We're talking going back to the Magna Carta and the English Constitution and the Glorious Revolution. He doesn't seem to have a racist bone in his body. He seems to be genuinely concerned with the interests of Britain's allies, whether they be Black, Native American.

NOOE: We're going to see Edward Nicolls of the British basically try to work alongside and prepare these refugee Creek Red Sticks, certainly work alongside formerly enslaved Black southerners to basically get them ready in terms of continuing this war.

LANCASTER: As Nicolls trained his Black and Indigenous troops into a formidable fighting force throughout the spring and summer of 1814, the British formalized their recruitment policy toward enslaved people and Native Americans through a series of public proclamations distributed throughout the American South. In a proclamation issued in April 1814, Alexander Cochrane, the commander-in-chief of the Royal Navy's North American Station, stated:

ALEXANDER COCHRANE: WHEREAS, it has been represented to me, that many Persons now resident in the UNITED STATES, have expressed a desire to withdraw therefrom, with a view of entering into His Majesty's Service, or of being received as Free Settlers into some of His Majesty's Colonies. This is therefore to Give Notice, that all those who may be disposed to emigrate from the UNITED STATES will, with their Families, be received on board His Majesty's Ships or Vessels of War, or at the Military Posts that may be established, upon or near the Coast of the UNITED STATES, when they will have their choice of either entering into His Majesty's Sea or Land Forces, or of being sent as FREE settlers to the British Possessions in North America or the West Indies, where they will meet with all due encouragement.[3]

CLAVIN: When word starts to get around and copies, literally copies of these proclamations are distributed in Maryland, Georgia, the Florida coast, Louisiana. And oftentimes they're given to slaves. Sometimes they're given to free Black people. They're literally handed out to Native Americans. And United States newspapers will copy some of the text from these things. Sometimes they'll just almost photocopy the entire thing or will transcribe it and publish it word for word. So if you are an American citizen in the southern United States, especially if you're a slaveowner, and if your fear of some sort of triple alliance of Native Americans, runaway slaves, and Brits was on a scale of one to ten, a three or four, and then you read this proclamation, and you're well aware that the British are now on the Florida coast, your fear might escalate to a nine or ten. Whatever that fear is, it increases significantly when word gets out about these proclamations. Like it is official British policy that they are going to let Native Americans remain where they are. They are going to liberate enslaved people-under one condition: that those enslaved people and those Native Americans help the British defeat the Americans by taking American lives. And so even the most disinterested American in the South is going to be very concerned now.

GARCIA: When white American southerners learned about the man responsible for leading this triple alliance and the rhetoric he used to inspire his troops, their anxieties heightened.

MILLETT: Nicolls' language, at least in speeches that survive and in proclamations to his troops and people in the South, is fiery. And it is born from the religious tradition of his youth in Northern Ireland, which would have been austere, dour, hyper-moralistic, intense, very, very intense, Calvinistic. And he speaks in the most unambiguous terms, blood and thunder and death and destruction and things like that. He is unambiguous in his belief that again, violence is an acceptable means to fight slavery, physical and intellectual violence. And if you are an enslaver or just a white American listening to this and watching his formerly enslaved army grow, et cetera, you find this incredibly terrifying because it is also a motive and it's meant to be consumed and digested by a non-literate audience. So, he doesn't pull his punches. And he's saying things like this publicly, formerly enslaved people, enslaved people, Native Americans, the Spanish are hearing this and presumably then going back to their communities, sharing it, being emboldened and radicalized. They are theoretically, the Spanish are anti-American, and the Spanish are perpetually living in fear of an American invasion after 1800, and especially after the Creek War, and they see in the British guests who they really can't tell to leave but maybe their best and only hope of keeping the Americans at bay.

LANCASTER: An American invasion of Spanish Florida arrived in December 1814. Months after recruiting and mobilizing Black and Indigenous troops at Prospect Bluff, Nicolls and his forces traveled to Pensacola, anticipating an assault led by Andrew Jackson. Jackson viewed his mission from the Creek War as unfinished, since many Red Sticks fled into Spanish Florida and joined Nicolls' multiracial and multiethnic fighting force.

GARCIA: Also unsatisfied with his egalitarian mission, Nicolls saw an opportunity in Pensacola to recruit and free additional enslaved people from the area.

MILLETT: Nicolls frees hundreds of American and Spanish-Florida enslaved people, particularly in Pensacola. Many flee to Pensacola and are given freedom. And during his time with this growing formerly enslaved population, Nicolls seems to inform them of his anti-slavery ideology. They obviously dislike slavery. Of course, they resist slavery. They have intense agency in that way; he, however, fills in a really important piece by kind of instilling an ideology of antislavery, the evils of it, their potential for political inclusion, equality. And he really sits down and talks deeply with hundreds of formerly enslaved people about his understanding of anti-slavery ideology. And then the final piece of the puzzle is after explaining the unlimited potential for black and white equality, Nicolls grants British subjecthood. This is a pretty radical proposition.

CLAVIN: He's also trying to intimidate slave owners and allies of the United States that 'we are here to fight.' And so what he does is he publicly drills Native American and African American recruits in the streets. He puts these Black Marines in these special uniforms with red hats. It's the standard British red coat, but they have blue pants and a white shirt. Native Americans were dressed in their full warrior gear with the feathers and the weapons and the clubs. And so he makes a public statement by doing this. So, Nicolls is trying to show the Americans that we're here to fight and you better be prepared. While Nicolls is drilling troops, his multiracial force in the streets of Pensacola, almost mocking American and Spanish slave owners, he gives this legendary speech, where he tells these British soldiers that these are your brothers and your sisters, you're going to need to bleed to free these people, to let the Native Americans keep their land. And he refers to them as brothers and sisters. It's not the normal language of a colonial Marine officer in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. So, this is just this incredible case of interracial cooperation. And so, these Native Americans, African Americans, these Brits, these soldiers, they have a common enemy in the United States. And under Nicolls, they have a common ambition.

GARCIA: This was Jackson's final straw. In a letter to Washington D.C., Jackson explained that Nicolls...

ANDREW JACKSON: paraded his savage force, marched it through the town, saluting his excellency with the war whoop, and threatening to scalp all the inhabitants...[4]

GARCIA: ...pleading that now was the time to invade Pensacola and take Spanish Florida in the process. President James Madison disagreed. He replied to Jackson in unmistakable terms that

PRESIDENT JAMES MADISON: You should at present take no measures, which would involve this Government in a contest with Spain.[5]

GARCIA: Jackson ignored the President's order,

LANCASTER: and as a result, confrontation in Pensacola between Jackson and Nicolls carried considerable stakes.

CLAVIN: Jackson represents a fight for slavery, a fight for white supremacy, a fight for the expansion of slavery. And what Nicolls represents is the complete opposite. He is fighting for the freedom of Black people in America. He's fighting for the land of Native Americans. And it represents two amazing possible outcomes.

MILLETT: Andrew Jackson, like Nicolls as well, is kind of driven by his own ethnic identity insecurities. He too is a Northern Irishman. His parents are from Northern Ireland. He is born almost immediately after they arrive from Northern Ireland. He grows up in backcountry Carolina in an almost entirely Northern Irish community before going to Charleston as a young man, a place which would have been-his ethnic identity would have felt pretty acute in a world which would have been very English, very Black, and as a kind of backwards Ulsterman, he wouldn't have fit. If Nicolls compensates for his own ethnic insecurities by what you might call a very progressive, expansive idea of subjecthood and anti-slavery, Jackson does the reverse. He comes up with a very conservative racialized vision of whiteness. And America is an empire for whites. People of color need to be subjugated, enslaved, destroyed, displaced. So, they're kind of opposite ends of the spectrum, two sides of the same coin.

CLAVIN: And I would say, unfortunately, the winning side are the slave-owning southern Americans.

LANCASTER: Jackson arrived with an army of about 4,000 militiamen and allied Choctaws, greatly outnumbering Nicolls' forces of about 1,000 Black Marines, Spanish regulars, and Indian warriors. As a result, Jackson swiftly forced the Spanish to surrender its army and the British to return to Prospect Bluff.

GARCIA: Despite Nicolls' failure to defend Pensacola, the British and their Black and Native allies maintained their military service commitment to defend the southern frontier from the United States.

MILLETT: There is a long tradition in slave societies, both Atlantic world ones, and then going back to Rome, between those who could fight and those who couldn't. And being able to fight was something you aspire to do. And it was empowering. It gave you a sense of dignity, self-worth, and it also oftentimes led to freedom, or if you had achieved freedom, greater iterations of freedom, more rights, more liberty. People, not everybody, obviously, it'd be too much of a generalization, but oftentimes enslaved men, and certainly in a situation like this, embrace the opportunity to become soldiers, and again, to free their bodies but also their minds in a very deep way. But then also the practical implications of this. A lot of these men would have known how to fight, they would have been good with rifles. During their time with Nicolls, they received formal, cutting-edge military training. So I think in terms of their identity, not only does it solidify the sense of Britishness, but it also gives a strong sense of being strong, secure in their position, their physical position, and being potentially fearsome military antagonist for the American invasion, which everybody knows is going to come at some point.

CLAVIN: Number one, if they had any doubts that they were men, that's confirmed here, but also equally important, they are Britons. And we have to be careful with this. Some historians make a huge point of saying that they developed this British identity. And I don't disagree. But I still think that for them, this is strategic, and they are aligning themselves with the Brits because the Brits are obviously trying to help them. But I really think just that military service gives them a little bit of pride or just enough pride, just enough support to maybe go the extra mile to fight to maintain their freedom. I mean, they've shown that they can accomplish. They have impressed the Brits and the British officers, several of them during this time period, they write about how these recruits are so much better than the European or the English recruits. And so, for an African American to hear that, and they've been told that they're inferior, they've been treated as slaves, obviously. But then you're recruited by the British and you're told that you are superior to these other combatants. It's got to be really emboldening. So, I think there's a personal commitment or affirmation of who they are. And it certainly, I think, inspires them to continue fighting for their freedom and the freedom of people like them.

LANCASTER: The free Black and Native peoples at Prospect Bluff relied on their military experience and identity sooner than they anticipated.

GARCIA: A crushing British defeat in the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815 prompted an official end to the War of 1812, curbing plans to launch a full-scale invasion of the southern frontier from Prospect Bluff.

NOOE: The war will conclude before they are ever able to act. Had the Battle of New Orleans gone well for the British, that would have put them in a very good position, to basically expand this invasion of the Gulf South into Georgia with the assistance of Black and Indigenous allies.

CLAVIN: The British will start to pull their troops out in the spring, early summer of 1815. At the same point, many of their Creek allies, Native American allies, they decide that we're done with the British. We have fought alongside them. We have trusted them. We have believed in them. We have been hopeful with them. But this is our second crushing defeat, the American Revolution and now the War of 1812, alongside them. And so, while many Creek warriors will stay at the bluff for a couple of months, they slowly but surely start to fade away. And they start to move eastward towards East Florida. They start to join with the Seminoles. And again, they will fight for decades. But what happens at the British Post is you're left with several hundred veteran Black Colonial Marines who decide to stay, their families who decide to stay, and just a handful of Choctaw Indians. And that's pretty much it. And that's when Benjamin Hawkins labels it Negro Fort, because the vast majority of almost-there's like one white Briton who stays-but almost all British soldiers leave, almost all Native Americans leave. And it's really just a fort controlled by escaped slaves, most who had fought for the Colonial Marines.

LANCASTER: As the British withdrew from the area, Nicolls planned to relocate the entire community to various British colonies in the Caribbean, maintaining their status as free people.

GARCIA: Yet, these plans fell through after Nicolls claimed they did not have enough boats to transport everyone.

EDWARD NICOLLS: On my leaving the post at the Bluff, in June 1815, I had not transport sufficient to take away three hundred and fifty men, women, and children, the former of whom had enlisted in the British forces. But they agreed to keep together, under protection of Indian Chiefs, until we had an opportunity of sending for them.[6] I promise to return in six months to transport the former slaves to the British Empire.[7]

GARCIA: As a result, the British decided to leave their Black and Indigenous allies at Prospect Bluff with a pledge that they would return, with the fortifications intact, and, more alarmingly to Americans, with their weapons.

MILLETT: The plan is to probably relocate everybody to Trinidad. But they don't have enough boats, and they don't have enough space. So Nicolls says in the spring of 1815, you're British subjects, this is your territory. I don't know when we'll be back, but we'll be back to pick you up. Until then, you're heavily armed. Remember what we taught you. Remember your status. Good chance the Americans are going come and get you, but be ready, be prepared. We'll probably be back. London learns about this. Officials in the Caribbean learn about this, and they say there's no chance in hell you're going back to pick up a community of formerly emancipated slaves. And as a result, the community says, okay, we're here permanently. And they probably never give up hope that someday Nicolls will return, but they are connected enough with the Spanish to know what's happening officially, and then to make the assumption that this is now our home.

CLAVIN: A lot of it comes down to Nicolls. If Cochrane had been on the ground, I think he probably would have said, 'this is our stuff, it belongs to British military, we're gonna keep this stuff. To my African American and Native American allies, I thank you for your service, but the battle continues elsewhere.' But I think it's because Nicolls seems to be a legit egalitarian. And apparently, Nicolls claims that they couldn't all fit on the ship, all these slaves. And I think that might be true. But I actually would argue that they didn't want to go. And that gets back to the question of British identity. I think a lot of these slaves, and we know for a fact that some of them didn't trust the British completely. The British still practiced slavery in the Caribbean and things of that nature. So, I think a lot of these slaves were very content to be left with control of the fort, several hundred muskets, several hundred barrels of gunpowder and shot, dozens of cannons, a bunch of boats and schooners and things of that nature. So, I think they were more than satisfied to be left alone in this fortress in the Florida wilderness.

LANCASTER: Nicolls never returned to the fort.

GARCIA: Instead, the people at Prospect Bluff continued to carve out their own ideals of freedom and autonomy along the Apalachicola River, where they lived as a self-sufficient community for the next year.

GARCIA: Thanks for listening to The Memory of Negro Fort Podcast. We're your hosts, Sebastian Garcia

LANCASTER: and John Lancaster.

GARCIA: The Memory of Negro Fort Podcast is hosted by the UCF Center for Humanities and Digital Research, with additional support from a gift that was made as an extension of the American Historical Association's Sinclair Workshops for Historical Podcasting.

LANCASTER: This episode of The Memory of Negro Fort Podcast is researched, written, and edited by your hosts, Sebastian Garcia and John Lancaster.

GARCIA: Special thanks to Barbara Gannon and her graduate colloquium and seminar classes, Scot French, Jim Ambuske, Jeanette Patrick, Crystal M. Moten, Jacque Willever, Kristin Weatherbee, Brian Martin, Heather Gibson, Jamie Akenberger, Amelia Lyons, Amy Giroux, Brook Miller, Jacob Ivey, Jennifer Ivey, Lisa Mills, and David Morton.

LANCASTER: Our thanks to F. Evan Nooe, Matthew Clavin, and Nathaniel Millett for their expertise throughout this episode

LANCASTER: We also thank our voice actors Kevin Garcia, Richard Weber, Brooks Nuzum, and Maddy Poston.

GARCIA: Subscribe to The Memory of Negro Fort Podcast wherever you listen to podcasts. Thank you again for listening, and until next time.